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Home - Economy & Business - Iran’s Bitter Calculus: The Price of a New Dawn
Economy & Business

Iran’s Bitter Calculus: The Price of a New Dawn

By Admin11/03/2026Updated:11/03/2026No Comments7 Mins Read
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Iranians rethink the price of regime change
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Following the deaths of numerous individuals during a harsh suppression of anti-government demonstrations in Iran in January, Mandana abandoned any expectation of internal change. She reached the understanding that the Islamic republic’s rulers needed to be ousted, regardless of whether it entailed a shift in governance orchestrated by the US and Israel. Related: Anduril’s New Space…

Consequently, upon the two nations assaulting the residence of paramount leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei on February 28, resulting in the demise of him and numerous relatives, Mandana — utilizing a fictitious name, as did other interviewees — was convinced the transformation she yearned for had materialized.

Her encounters during the harrowing subsequent days have obliterated that conviction. Aerial bombardments have not solely aimed at military installations and high-ranking government officials but have continually struck non-military facilities.

During the past weekend, Tehran became shrouded in noxious dark haze following Israel’s bombing of fuel storage facilities in the vicinity of the metropolis; by Tuesday, enormous detonations led to extensive power outages.

“We were not meant to be subjected to bombing,” Mandana articulated, her tone quivering subsequent to a colossal blast close to her dwelling near Vanak Square in the heart of Tehran. “Our metropolis, our nation, this ought not to have occurred. Why did Venezuela . . . witness a neat, non-violent governmental transition, yet not this place?”

Laborers at the location of a devastated petroleum refinery in Tehran on Sunday © Abedin Taherkenareh/EPA/Shutterstock

The extent of devastation and the seeming fortitude of the Islamic government, which, as a gesture of opposition, named Khamenei’s son Mojtaba as the fresh paramount leader, has caused numerous Iranians to reconsider expectations that external involvement could lead to its downfall.

As the conflict nears its second week, there are no indications of the type of anti-government turmoil that erupted nationwide in January prior to being quashed by a savage repression that claimed countless lives.

Conversely, numerous individuals, even those abhorring the Islamic republic, seem to have flinched from the devastation and remarks, such as Donald Trump’s menace to assault power generation sites, should the government intensify its actions. The American president also declared that Iran’s geographical configuration would “likely not” remain unaltered post-conflict, igniting apprehensions that the hostilities might dismember the nation.

A sociologist residing in Tehran, expressing disapproval of both the government and the conflict, stated there were informal reports of an increasing “feeling of national pride arising from the war,” akin to what transpired during Israel’s 12-day confrontation with Iran last year, when citizens united in patriotic fervor.

“The apprehension of Iran’s obliteration is progressively bringing people together as they dread the repercussions of such an extensive confrontation,” the academic declared, requesting anonymity.

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Civilian locations have turned into unintentional casualties, as aerial assaults aim at police precincts, military installations, and public servants residing in populated areas. Over a thousand non-combatants have perished, and upwards of 8,000 residences have sustained harm or been demolished, based on governmental statistics.

The visuals of wreckage — impacting educational institutions, a water purification facility, commercial airplanes, and venerable sites like Tehran’s Grand Bazaar and Golestan Palace — have dismayed numerous Iranians.

“If their intention was to eliminate the paramount leader, why are they conducting an all-out conflict?” inquired a woman. Prior to the hostilities, she — akin to many anti-government Iranians both domestically and abroad — had endorsed military involvement.

Diaspora groups organized significant demonstrations in Occidental metropolises, advocating for the dissolution of the Islamic republic. Reza Pahlavi, the banished progeny of the deceased dethroned Shah, also backed military operations, vowing to come back and govern Iran once the government had crumbled.

“Perhaps he ought to arrive presently with his trio of daughters and experience the sensation of being shelled,” remarked a woman, who resists the existing government yet also dismisses a reinstatement of monarchical rule. “Those who championed the conflict should assume accountability forthwith. However, I question if they will.”

Reza Pahlavi walks away from a podium with an Iranian flag and two unidentified men in the foreground.
Reza Pahlavi, the banished progeny of the dethroned Shah. Pundits suggest the exiled monarch might have forfeited endorsement from newer adherents to his movement as the harsh truth of warfare becomes apparent. © Kent Nishimura/Bloomberg

When numerous Iranians set aside their disenchantment with their rulers to adopt nationalistic actions during the June conflict, the government portrayed this as evidence of popular backing and disregarded demands for change once the hostilities concluded.

On this occasion, Iranians — still scarred by the repression in January — have displayed greater reluctance, apprehensive that displays of national pride or anti-conflict feelings might once more be appropriated by the governing powers.

In Iran’s northern region, a mother whose offspring perished in the demonstrations ceased donning black on the day Khamenei passed away, perceiving that a measure of retribution had been achieved. In Tehran, a different woman prepared a confection for her next-door residents to commemorate the paramount leader’s end. Yet, she was so astonished by the magnitude of the ensuing assaults that she subsequently departed the metropolis.

The Islamic republic, on its side, is leaving nothing to opportunity. Officials have crowded public plazas with adherents every night, utilizing the outspoken segment of government backers to display power and endorsement. Furthermore, they traverse thoroughfares on motorbikes equipped with loudspeakers that loudly broadcast spiritual melodies.

“These constitute our authentic proponents,” declared an internal government source. “This signifies true devotion, stemming from Shia Islam — a concept the Americans can never grasp. Even if the head of the Islamic framework is assassinated, the framework will endure because Shiism persists.”

Supporters, mostly women in black chadors, wave Iranian flags and hold photos in front of a large banner showing Ayatollah Ali Khamenei.
A collection of adherents of Iran’s deceased leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei at a pro-government assembly in Tehran during the prior week © Morteza Nikoubazl/NurPhoto/Getty Images

The government’s seeming steadfastness amidst the most significant confrontation dating back to the Iran-Iraq

The conflict of the 1980s has prompted some to question whether even an extended period of hostilities could result in its ultimate downfall.

Following Mojtaba’s appointment as the fresh paramount leader on Monday, adherents nationwide similarly congregated in public.

However, Mojtaba has remained out of sight since the conflict commenced, and he has yet to address Iranians regarding his intentions. The United States and Israel have issued threats to eliminate whoever assumes leadership, and speculation is rampant that he sustained injuries during the hostilities.

His appointment has astonished numerous Iranians opposing the current administration, who apprehend a paramount leader intent on pursuing his progenitor’s uncompromising program, opposition to change, and antagonism towards Western nations.

“Should circumstances persist as they are, we find ourselves in a more dire predicament now than prior to the conflict,” remarked Mahboubeh, an interpreter. “A nation in ruins; Khamenei succeeded by another Khamenei, three decades younger.”

People walk among rubble and debris at the heavily damaged site of a destroyed building and crushed car in Tehran.
People inspect a destroyed police station in Tehran last week © Majid Khahi/Isna/Wana/Reuters

Meanwhile, royalists endorse Pahlavi and advocate for American and Israeli involvement, notwithstanding its repercussions. Nonetheless, observers contend that the banished monarch might have forfeited backing from those who more recently embraced his agenda as the grim actualities of combat become clear.

Most Iranians, who deem the January slayings unpardonable, are perplexed regarding the path to instigate reform. Among them is Sara, an educator in her fifth decade, who formerly yearned for the government’s ousting but now concedes she has revised her perspective.

“I’ve reconciled myself to the grim actuality: the Islamic republic demonstrates fortitude,” she stated. “It’s something I never expected to utter, but should an authentic proponent of change emerge from within the administration, what objection could there be? Ultimately, our sole desire is tranquility and prosperity.”

Marjan, a homemaker, was unable to conceal her feelings when word of Khamenei’s passing surfaced. She had been convinced it would herald the administration’s downfall. “My current query is, even if the Islamic republic collapses, what will be our inheritance: a devastated territory?”

Mapping by Steven Bernard

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